Реферат: Stanley Bruce's great industrial relation blunder
By industry, Bruce meant big business. He meant Flinders Street,
the shipping combine, the coal vend, industrialists and the graziers. How were
they being embarrassed? By the shorter working week and award wages.
Bruce left the nation under no misapprehension. His policy was
going to suit the John Browns. Of course, he clothed it in his usual self-righteous
unction, that the Bill was not being brought forward in a party spirit. It was simply
for the benefit of the nation and the empire. Later he was to regret his statement
that it was non-party. Some of his own followers took him literally.
Then he proceeded to outline the plight of the nation. Public
finance was in a bad way. Both the Commonwealth and the states had deficits. Bavin
had one of more than a million, while Page had one of almost five millions. Prosperity
was rocking badly. Loan money was difficult to obtain abroad. Public expenditure
had to be reduced. But he still didn't believe that he could abolish old age pensions
or reduce them. So taxation had to be increased. But he was afraid that increased
taxes might increase the cost of production.
Wool and wheat were the only two products which could be sold
at a profit abroad. Even there there had been a heavy decline in prices. Secondary
industries were being threatened by imports from abroad beingsold lower than local
prices. But Bruce said that he could not agree with any increase in tariffs.
Then Bruce produced his magic elixir. The costs of production
must be reduced. So they must get rid of duplication of awards and tribunals. His
solution was a kind of collective bargaining. But because of large-scale unemployment,
that placed the employer in the box seat when it came to the bargaining. So the
government had decided to vacate the field of arbitration. Bruce wanted round-table
conferences. Then the workers would realise that their claims for higher wages,
shorter hours and better conditions would only lead to more unemployment. He was
suddenly all in favor of the American system of collective bargaining instead of
having industrial courts.
In particular, Mr. Bruce thought the workers should accept the
piecework system and payment by results. They would then earn enough to keep their
families. Of course, there would need to be safeguards.
"At present Australian industries are passing through a serious
economic crisis. Tens of thousands of our workmen are unemployed. It is essential,
therefore, that we should all recognise the urgency of improving the relations
between employers and employees," he said.
He also wanted equality in competition between the states.
"Has any more fatal blow been struck at equality in interstate competition
than the 44-hour week and child endowment legislation of the last Labor government
New South Wales," asked Bruce, again trotting me out as his King Charles'
head. But he still had no idea of the political hurricane building up. He was not
left long in suspense.
Of course, Bruce knew that he had enemies. The enemies within
his party were more dangerous than any on the Labor side. Chief of them was the
irrepressible William Morris Hughes, who had founded the Nationalist Party. There
were times when he believed that he had founded the Labor Party. That, of course,
was historical licence. But there was no doubt about him being expelled from the
Labor Party. There was also no doubt that he founded the Nationalist Party after
the conscription break. He even hand-picked his own executive.
But his break with Bruce was now irretrievable. He was out to
get his revenge for what he believed was the double-cross perpetrated by Bruce in
1923. He had waited patiently for almost seven years. Now it seemed as if might
get his opportunity. But Bruce got in the first blow. He expelled Hughes from
the Nationalist Party. With him went E.A. Mann, a caustic critic of the government,
who was Nationalist member for Perth.
The Labor member for East Sydney, Jack West, raised the matter
in House when he asked whether Hughes and Mann were to be barred from certain rooms
and, if so, for how long. Bruce tartly replied that if he wanted know whether it
was true that Hughes and Mann would not in future be invited to attend meetings
of government supporters, the answer was in the affirmative. In short, they had
been expelled from the Parliamentary Nationalist Party.
Riley Senior then asked Bruce whether the Nationalist Party had
blown out its brains. Bruce said the suggestion was completely unwarranted. Frank
Brennan followed by directing the attention of the Speaker to the fact that
P.G. Stewart, Country member for Wimmera, had withdrawn his allegiance to the government,
that the member for Wannon, A.S. Rodgers, had retreated to a private room in the
basement of Parliament House, and now Mann would need a room, while even W.M. Hughes
had been turned out of his own house. He wanted to know what steps the Speaker intended
to take to accommodate all the segments of the government that were breaking off.
Latham suggested they could all find refuge in the Labor Opposition rooms.
Bruce still had the numbers if he could hold the rest of his
party together. His proposal was not getting the newspaper support he had anticipated.
Theodore, in the absence of Scullin, led the attack for the Labor
opposition. He said at the caprice of one man, and without warning, the Bill had
been flung on to the table of the House. One man was about to undo the work of
generations. It was a wrecker's policy. He recalled all Bruce's speeches in favor
of arbitration. How he would never give it up. How Latham had defended it.
Bruce had appointed a royal commission to inquire into the constitution.
It had not yet finished its work. Yet the government was going ahead without waiting
for the report.
Theodore said Bruce was the prophet of doom. Whenever an anti-Labor
leader wanted to take away reforms, or reduce wages, he invariably tried to justify
himself with doleful prophecies. Even Sir Robert Gibson, chairman of the Commonwealth
Bank, had said things were not as bad as they were being represented. The stock
exchange was still buoyant. To Theodore that was most important. Bruce was imagining
the difficulties. The stock exchange quotations were at their highest level in
20 years. The banks were making record profits. So how could there be a depression?
The attorney-general, Mr Latham, tried hard to defend the proposition.
As usual, he was academic. Latham argued from a legalistic brief. He had no time
for political rhetoric. He tried to rely on logic. But he was arguing against his
own previous convictions. He tried to rationalise the problem. He went back over
the dry legal tomes dealing with the development of industrial law in Australia:
the Harvester judgment, the engineers' case. They were all given full treatment.
He was on the defensive. He referred to the strikes of the marine stewards, led
by Bob Heffron, the engineers, the waterside workers and the timber workers.
But he made no mention of the lockout of the miners. He said
the unions had campaigned against arbitration. Senator Arthur Rae had written a
book, The Curse of Arbitration. The ARU had rejected arbitration. Yet, at
other times, the government was attacking those against arbitration as red-raggers
and extremists.
Then Latham gave the show away. He referred to the action of
my government in passing the 44-Hour Week in 1926. He said that if the timber workers
had been deregistered in the Federal Court they would have obtained a 44-hour week
under a state award. The government was clearing the way for Mr Bavin to bring in
a 48-hour week again in New South Wales.
At that time there were only 88 federal awards in force in NSW
as against 455 state awards. Once the state government had sole control of industrial
matters, Mr Bavin could impose whatever industrial conditions were wanted by the
Nationalist Consultative Council.
Latham rejected a suggestion by Curtin that the men could elect
their own representatives to the Industrial Boards for the maritime industries.
Frank Brennan said the proposal was begotten out of a craven spirit by cynicism.
Bruce had given the impression that he knew little or nothing about the subject,
while Latham had given the impression that he knew all about it but wanted to keep
it dark.
They had appointed their own judges at bigger and better salaries,
with bigger pensions and tenure for life. Now there was to be a dismal procession
of self-confessed failures going back on their tracks.
Labor members like Norman Makin, J.B. Chifley, George Martens
and Ted Riley Sen, who had practised in the industrial courts as advocates, trotted
out all the achievements of arbitration. They were more legal than the lawyers.
They cited the Commonwealth Law Report. They talked about common rule, and gave
forth with lengthy extracts from various judgments. It was almost as if they were
being deprived of their professional status.
Bruce's chief defender from New South Wales was Archdale Parkhill,
who had been Hughes' chief propagandist when the Nationalist Party was first formed.
He later went into the federal Parliament as member for Warringah. He said that
when he was speaking on one street corner in Mosman, Theodore had been on another
supporting the AWU candidate. Parkhill said that Theodore had said: "Mr Lang
must be disciplined ruthlessly, with the gloves off." An interjector had retorted,
"Your number is up for Dalley," and Theodore had replied, "There
will be no shrinking on my part." Yet, said Parkhill, a few months later
Theodore was licking Lang's hand. Parkhill didn't like me. In that respect I was
second only to Jock Garden in his hate list.
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